Along with the massacre of 80+ security personnel in Dantewada, Naxal guerrillas also triggered a blast on 4th April 2010 in Eastern Orissa’s Koraput district which led to killing of 10 security personnel and injuring 10 others. Gruesome killing & beheading of Francis Induwar, swooped down of poor villagers and burning of their houses in Jamui district are simple reflections of the reality of Naxalite terrorism in our country. Such heinous activities of the red revolutionaries are also getting intellectual support from an elite section of our University. These naxalite terrorist activities are unending and increasing day by day.
Maoists who shout from the roof-top for taking the cause of poor are sexually exploiting their female cadres. Such exploitation is rampant in Naxal camps. The startling revelation was made by Savita Munda, a 20-year-old tribal girl who was holding the rank of an “area commander” and who surrendered with young male cadre Rahul Juang. She said “Whenever the exploited female Maoists raised these matters with their senior male cadres they were immediately told to shut their mouth”.Savita had joined the naxal movement in 2007. She had taken part in a number of major Maoists operations in the state during the last three years. At present both Savita and Rahul will be rehabilitated as per the government’s schemes for the surrendered naxal cadres. Similarly many female cadres like Geeta Murmu, Anju Murmu were also sexually exploited in the rebel camps. Geeta was the “Mistress” of Sub-Zonal Commander and she had to undergo abortion twice. On protest, she was told to keep shut or else she would be shot dead. Geeta gave graphic details of how they (a group of 200 woman naxalites) were exploited in the dense forest areas of Belhar, which is considered to be a citadel of Maoists. Geeta’s sister Anju Murmu was also gagged and raped by another Naxalite Battu, when she was on duty manning the border of Banka and Jamui forests.
Ten years ago, the left-wing extremists were active only in three Orissa districts bordering Andhra Pradesh, but they have now spread to 17 of the 30 districts. Killing of VHP saint Swami Laxmananand was also possible due to the unholy nexus between Church and Naxals, this killing led to conflict between the converted Christians and the Hindu Tribals in the region. These naxals even blow up schools; on Nov 23 2009 they did the same by blasting the school in Giridih district. According to the estimate of the Asian Centre for Human Rights, a total of 249 persons including 69 civilians, 113 security forces, and 67 alleged Naxalites have been killed in the Naxalite conflict during January – June 2007. The highest number of killings were reported from Chhattisgarh (141), followed by Andhra Pradesh (39) and Jharkhand (29).
The year 2006 saw killings of at least 460 persons. However, the conflict is intensifying as reflected from the number of killing of the security forces and aadivasis. In addition, during April-June 2007, Jharkhand (24) witnessed increased killings. Nearly 1000 security personnel+Civilians were killed in 2008 in Naxal attacks. In 2009 this figure reached to 1200. According to BBC more than 8000 civilians have been killed by the naxals in last 20 years.
The increase in frequency of Naxal-related violence, off late has really emerged as a cause of serious concern, not only for the integrity and security of this country, but also its general well-being. While neighbouring Nepal is witnessing reconciliation with the Maoists, as reflected in latter's participation in the new government, India continues to be a victim of their gory ways. India is still groping in the dark to size up the real problem and come out with a suitable response.
Naxal violence has indeed spread its tentacles from 156 districts in 13 states in September 2004 to 170 districts in 15 states in February 2005, affecting about 40 per cent of the geographical area of the country and 35 per cent of its population, according to recent intelligence reports. With the objective of establishing a 'Compact Revolutionary Zone', as typified by the Red Corridor extending from the boondocks of North Bihar to the underdeveloped hinterland of Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Karnataka, the Naxals aim to use the same, reportedly, for eventual seizure of state power and subsequent establishment of a Maoist State.
Recently, the Naxals have intimidated the Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh, attacked the Jehanabad jail (freeing about 340 prisoners and their leader Ajay Kanu) in Bihar, heinously killed Sunil Mahato (the JMM Member of Parliament) and attacked a police camp in Bastar killing about 56 policemen. They have demonstrated precision, penetration, organization and audacity in striking their chosen targets at will. Before that also, they have attacked many other public property, mostly the police, as witnessed in their incursions in Koraput in Orissa, Madhubani in Bihar, Giridih and Bokaro in Jharkhand and in Karnataka, killing hundreds of policemen, looting fire arms and money.
Transforming themselves into a modern guerilla force, the Naxals today are equipped with sophisticated weapons and communication system. With the formation of a united outfit namely CPI (Maoist) along with the raising of an armed wing i.e. People's Liberation Guerrilla Army through the merger of Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and People's War Group (PWG), the Naxal Movement has not only succeeded in getting over the problem of sanguinary infighting amongst them, but the Movement has also witnessed a shift in focus and strategy. Today, they are not only logistically better organized and better trained; they are also better motivated and better led to destroy the peace and integrity of the country.
With the programme of a New Democratic Revolution, the Naxals wish to attain their goals through the spread of disaffection amongst the rural poor by creating an impression that the new economic policy is prejudicial to their interests. The newly acquired prosperity of the landlords, the bourgeois traders and the bureaucrats further annoys and frustrates them. They believe that the benefits of the Panchayati Raj have been cornered by a handful of well-to-do peasants. Hence, they have declared all landlords, big or small, and all bourgeois, powerful or petty, as class enemies and have been working towards their elimination by violent means.
The new strategy of the Naxals is one of protracted armed struggle whose objective is not seizure of land, crops or other immediate goals, but the seizure of state power. Within this perspective, participation in elections and engagements with the prevailing bourgeois democracy are rejected, and all efforts and attention are firmly focused on revolutionary activities to undermine the state and seize power by any means. They plan to mount further attacks against the symbols of 'feudalism, imperialism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism' and they also don't mind supporting the struggle of nationalities for self-determination, including the right to secession. They have also been paying special attention to mobilizing and organizing women as a mighty force of the bloody revolution they are waging.
The Naxals would do better to appreciate the fact that no other form of government has proved to be better than democracy, which has responded and evolved as per the genius of its locale. Already, the government has been responding to their basic allegations of inequitable and in-egalitarian development and has come forward with a slew of development proposals to address the problem of inequity. The Naxals support to secessionist and separatist movements is also greatly misplaced and points to their garbled conception of politics. By doing so, they are only helping the cause of those who love to see this country grovel in the dust. It is the legitimate right of the state to use as much force as necessary to regain areas under the control of Maoists. Putting the threat from Naxalism higher than jihadi terrorism, the government cannot countenance a free run for Naxalites in 200 districts of the country. Maoists have declared a war on the Indian state. They are anti-development. They do not want the poor to be emancipated or become economically free. There is not any doubt in saying that naxal problem is the biggest problem related to our internal security at present.
Naxalism, which started off as a so-called people’s movement, has now become a nearly Rs 3000 crore organised extortion business in the form of ‘levy’. CPI (Maoist) and especially its splinter groups, which extort the money hardly pump it back for running the movement but instead use it to maintain luxurious life-styles for their masters. They have nothing to do with the human rights and democracy.
By indulging in brazen and unprincipled acts of violence, they are not only hurting the developmental cause of their own nation, but are also playing in to the hands of our enemies. It would be advisable for the government to continue its efforts to bring them aboard, while continuing its developmental efforts simultaneously without compromising with the security and integrity of the country. The Nepalese Maoists have shown the way by laying down arms and joining the mainstream political process. Our home-grown Naxals ought to take a cue from them or else die an untimely death. ABVP appeals the peace loving and progressive students of JNU to rally behind us to pressurize the Central Government to send the Indian Army to fight and eradicate this menace on the unity and integrity of our nation.
WHEN NAXALISM IS THE ENEMY, IT IS A CRIME NOT TO FIGHT!!!
VANDE MATARAM!!!
Thursday, April 8, 2010
Unite Against Naxal/Maoist Terrorism!!!
The deadliest and biggest ever Naxal attack in the thick forests of Mukrana in Dantewada district of Chattisgarh, one of the strongholds of Maoists, killed more than 83 security personnel. While 72 of those killed were CRPF personnel, including a deputy and an assistant commandant, one was a head constable of the district police. Naxals first blew up a vehicle carrying the CRPF personnel near Chintalnar-Tarmetla village in the district. Immediately after the blast, the CRPF personnel and a few police personnel tried to take cover when they came under heavy fire from hundreds of Naxals, well entrenched on the adjacent hillock. The CRPF team had been camping in the interiors of Tarmetla jungles for the last three days as part of a combing operation and area domination exercise. The entire attack on security personnel was carried out by more than thousand naxals. After the blast Naxals went round to look for any survivors and shot them too mercilessly before looting their weapons, including mortar guns. Same type of attack was carried out in Eastern part of Orissa on Sunday when Naxals blow up the land mines. There is nothing new in these barbaric assaults on Security Personnel, Police, Local Tribals, Dalits and on those who oppose their anti-social and anti-India ideology and activities. These Maoist/Naxals are totally militarised and well equipped with all sort of sophisticated weapons. There has been a long chain of such gruesome killings, earlier killing and beheading of a police inspector Francis Induwar in Jharkhand was closely followed by gruesome killings of seventeen policemen in Maharashtra. Naxal-Maoist elements have been striking at their will and even with impunity. The brutal manner in which these killings have been carried out exposes the inhuman and barbaric aspects of communism as an ideology. Claiming to wage a war against the Indian state, Naxal-Maoists today hold sway in about 180 districts across ten states of India accounting for about 40 per cent of India's geographical area. They are especially concentrated in an area known as the "Red corridor" extending from Nepal borders to Andhra Pradesh (euphemistically, from Pashupati to Tirupati), where they control 92,000 square kilometers. In the recent years they have been arming themselves with latest weaponry and arsenal and consolidating their position by gaining new areas and recruits. Moreover they are extorting huge amount on account of levies and other form of extortions. They run their own kangaroo courts intimidating and punishing their opponents in the rural areas and thus exercising illegal control over the rural population. In fact they have been able to run parallel governments in a vast region.
Many such instances have taken place in other Naxal-infested states. Until recently, before being pronounced as one of the most serious threats to the internal security of the country- Maoism was mostly downplayed by various actors of civil society including the media, irrespective of a higher death toll and the gruesome lynching of men as compared to other acts of violence. The list of martyred security men, which is read out on every 21st October (on ‘Shaheed Diwas’) is growing longer. Fearing the governments’ more focused approach now, Naxalites are trying to spread waves of terror once again. Whenever their senior cadre are arrested or killed in exchange of fire or their very existence is challenged, they take recourse to brutality.
Inspector Hemant Mandawi of Jagargunda Police Station was killed when he was assisting the villagers repair an interior road in order to restore public transport. His feet were severed, as the Naxals wanted his shoes. In another incident, Central Paramilitary Force (CPMF) personnel’s eyes were smashed with sharp weapons and hands cut to remove wrist watches. In the village of Kudur in Bastar district, policemen were ambushed with Claymore mines and then charred to death. In Ranibodli in March 2007, one of the rooms of the police camp was bolted from outside by the Maoists, and petrol bombs thrown inside towards the unaware, off-duty police personnel. Some escaping security men were targeted from tree tops, killing a total of 55 police officers including 36 Special Police Officers (SPOs). As if this couldn’t pacify the Naxals quest for sadism, they laid down Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) all around the building to hinder even the evacuation of casualties. The charred bodies of the SPOs, who were all local residents of surrounding villages, could not be recognized even by their kin. Similarly, when a Chhattisgarh Electricity Board (CGEB) party was on its way to repair a blown up high tension tower near the dreaded ‘Zhara Ghatee’ of Narayanpur, its truck was blown up with an 80 kg plus IED, killing 3 civilians. The explosion was so intense that various pieces of their bodies had to be gathered from as far as 300 meters. These were handed over to their families in bag-shaped folded bed sheets, without us even knowing whether they belong to the same person or not. The law of the jungle applies to the public as well. On-the-spot killings of civilians in the name of dispensing quick justice in ‘Jan Adalats’ (Public Court) is an old-fashioned governance style of the Maoists. Tying hands behind and beheading with sharp weapons is the Maoists’ favoured method. Showing disrespect to dead bodies is routine. Killing men and
tying hidden IEDs to their dead bodies is yet another ploy to misguide the police and invite them to the scene of crime for inquest, leading to more explosions and more casualties.
Many seized documents have clearly shown that the birth of ‘Salwa Judums’ (meaning peace march) in June 2005 in South Bastar infuriated the Naxalites. The villagers were forced to flee due to continuous attacks and escalating fear. The state government, realising its constitutional obligations, promptly responded and created rehabilitation camps to provide people with basic amenities. Though Salwa Judum came up as a self-motivated people’s movement in a response to the Naxalite atrocities, it was soon dubbed as a state-sponsored move. This is a well thought out propaganda by the Naxalites to malign the government. Quite a few times, the Naxalites have dared to attack even the rehabilitation camps. Though most of such attacks have been foiled by the police force, yet an attack on Errabore Rehabilitation Camp (situated on the national highway), left more than 30 killed and many injured. The fact is that the Naxalites were shaken by the increasing strength of the Salwa Judum and its commitment to re-establish peace in the area. The spurt of violence is due to the retaliation by the Naxalites in the face of the rising popularity of Salwa Judum, which led them to intimidate people so that they do not ever raise their heads.
Presently, there are about 3,000 SPOs, who assist security forces in the maintenance of order in Naxal-infested areas. These SPOs have played an important role in breaking and weakening the network of the Naxalites. Naxalites’ brutality has not even spared the families of the SPOs. Many SPOs have been killed, only to discourage them from associating with the police. Since 2002, scores of policemen and civilians have been killed by the naxalites, and the number of such brutal killings is drastically increased in recent years. This further strengthens the fact that the Maoists were afraid of the people’s resistance groups which had rejected their ideology in their own stronghold. The attacks on schools, panchayats, hospitals, rehabilitation camps and ashram buildings have unravelled their hollow talk of development. They are even opposed to developmental works. Schemes like ‘Jantana Sarkaar’ are being propagated only to hide their ugly face, smeared with cold blood. A country which was built on the edifice of non-violence cannot accept the ideology of armed struggle for class annihilation. Such mindless brutal killings by the Maoists must act as a wake-up call for civil society.
Why the government has failed to effectively curb the Naxal-Maoist menace is a question which remains difficult to answer. The left leaning intelligentsia has often sought to explain it in the neglect of rural area and lack of developmental initiatives among the poor who being left unto themselves have chosen to take the path of ‘armed revolution'. But how far Naxal-Maoists are responsible for disallowing the implementation of government's development plans in their stronghold needs to be honestly assessed. If the cause is poverty and lack of developmental initiatives then the Naxal-Maoists should have been strengthening these efforts instead of blocking them. But the case is different on the ground. In addition to these leftist outfits who claim to oppose parliamentary democracy are seen to be garnering votes for the candidate/parties who prefer to pay them in elections. There is undoubtedly a politician-Naxal/Maoist nexus operating in these areas allowing these elements to strengthen and prosper. Perhaps, the lack of political will in tackling the menace is the result of such nexus in operation seriously undermining the safety and security of the country. While the brutal violence by Naxal-Maoist outfits has started to expose communism and its dangerous ideology, the government should decisively act to defeat and destroy this menace before it is too late.
Previously the Central Government took the decision of banning the terrorist organisation like CPI (Maoist). We demand the Central Government to ban the whole bunch of communists’ giroh from India for their indulging in Terrorism, Lumpenism, Barbarism and other Anti-National activities. The Anti-National acts of the communist’s students’ wing are not new to the university campuses. It is highly dangerous to note that following the Pan-Indian ban on CPI (Maoist) by the Central Government, the JNU administration has not acted in reporting to Police the subversive and anti-national activities of its students wing DSU as well the other Naxal Group like AISA. ABVP once again demand that AISA and DSU office bearers’ should be immediately arrested and booked under the provisions of UAPA for openly and shamelessly supporting these heinous acts. The administration should immediately stop the activities of AISA and DSU by seizing its literature, propaganda materials, its account and office. ABVP appeals the peace loving and progressive students of JNU to rally behind ABVP to pressurize the JNU administration to impose ban on AISA, DSU and other communist terrorist outfits present in our campus.
ABVP appeal to the student community, to participate in large numbers in the effigy burning of Maoist/Naxal terrorists at 9.30 pm (tonight,7th April 2010) @ Ganga Dhaba followed by the VISHAAL JULOOS.
Saturday, April 3, 2010
ABVP/JNU declares New Office Bearers for the year 2010-2011.
Dear All,
New Office Bearers for the year 2010-2011 of ABVP/JNU.
President: Sudheer Kumar. Secretary: Vineet Chaturvedi. Vice-Presidents: Devi Dayal Gautam, Nikhil Rajput, Navendu Shekhar, Vivek Vishal. Joint Secretaries: Pragati Bhargava, Saket Bahuguna, Sandip Kumar Singh, Abhishek Srivastava.
We appeal all of you to extend your whole-hearted cooperation to the New Office Bearers of ABVP/JNU, so that they can carry forward the august struggle of National Reconstruction.Vandemataram! Bharat Mata ki Jai!!
Thursday, November 19, 2009
MADAN LAL DHINGRA: A TRIBUTE
India won freedom in 1947 largely due to the sacrifices made by hundreds of nameless revolutionaries in India and abroad who braved British barbarity and faced death, deportation, and imprisonment .The Naval Uprising of 1946 which convinced the British that their days in India were over was the culmination of the process of violent resistance to British rule. Prominent among the pioneers of the struggle for freedom were Shyamji Krishna Varma, Veer Savarkar, Madam Bhikaji Cama, Barrister Sardar Singh Rana, Virendranath Chattopadhyaya, Sardar Ajit Singh, Lala Hardayal, Rasbehari Bose, Raja Mahendra Pratap and Champakraman Pillay. In this illustrious list of fiery patriots, Madan Lal Dhingra stands out for his sheer courage and supreme sacrifice. Madan Lal Dhingra went to the gallows on 17 August 1909 for having killed Sir Curzon Wylie. The centenary of his martyrdom is an occasion for us to remember his immortal saga.
Early life and Contact with Revolutionaries
Madan Lal Dhingra was born on 18 September 1883 in an affluent family of Amritsar where his father had settled after having retired as Civil Surgeon. After completing his local studies Madan Lal went to England and studied for Diploma in Civil Engineering at the University College, London during 1906-09.
In 1905, Shyamji Krishna Varma started an inexpensive hostel for Indian students in London. This came to be known as “India House”( not to be confused with the “India House” which is the office of the Indian High Commission). Shyamji also offered scholarships to Indian students for studying in U K. Among the Indian students who went to London with the help of Shyamji's scholarships and stayed at the India House hostel was V D Savarkar. Savarkar went to London ostensibly to study law but his real purpose was to observe the strengths and weaknesses of the British people and to think of ways of achieving India's freedom. Savarkar also wanted to establish contact with Indian students who came from all parts of India and to enlist them in the cause of India's freedom. In addition Savarkar wanted to establish contacts with revolutionaries of other countries like Russia, China, Ireland etc. to benefit from their knowledge and experience and to take advantage of such contacts for the purpose of overthrowing the
British Rule. Madan Lal Dhingra too was residing at the India House hostel. For achieving his objectives Savarkar started regular Sunday meetings at India House to discuss various subjects related to India's future. Among those who attended the India House meet ings were Bhai Parmananda, Lala Hardayal (founder of the G h a d a r P a r t y ) , V i r e n d r a n a t h Chattopadhyaya (revolutionary and brother of Sarjoini Naidu) and many others who rose to prominence as revolutionaries or leaders of the freedom struggle. Tall, well-built and handsome, Madan Lal was a fun-loving person and striving for freedom of the motherland was not particularly high on Madan Lal's priority list at that time. In one of the Sunday meetings at India House, while Savarkar was delivering an impassioned speech on India's freedom Madan Lal and his friends were creating a ruckus in the adjacent room. Interrupting his speech Savarkar went to the adjacent room and reprimanded Madan Lal for loving fun and frolic and only talking of patriotism. The reprimand shamed Dhingra and after a few days of quiet
reflection he decided to do his bit for the common cause.
Sir Curzon Wylie
Sir Curzon Wylie had entered the British Army in 1866 and the Indian Political Department in 1879. He had a bright career and in 1901 was appointed Political Aide-de- Camp to the Secretary of State for India. He was also the head of the Secret Police, a fact not mentioned in contemporary British newspapers. His responsibility included collection of information about the revolutionaries. The revolutionaries, in turn, tried to find out the operations of the British
Secret Police. Wyllie planted in India House an informer named Kirtikar who pretended to be a student of dentistry. Savarkar got to learn who Kirtikar really was. When exposed and threatened with death, Kirtikar gave all the information he had about the police operations to Savarkar. Savarkar had joined Gray's Inn on 26
June 1906. After successfully completing his studies, he should have been called to the Bar on 05 May 1909. But Sir Curzon Wyllie tried to ensure that Savarkar would not be called to the Bar. Instead proceedings were launched against Savarkar on charges of sedition. Around the same time, Babarao (Ganesh) Savarkar, elder brother of Veer Savarkar, was also tried for sedition. Even though the prosecution could only prove that Baburao had published four historical poems, which were construed as seditious, he was convicted on 08 June 1909 and sentenced to Transportation for Life. All his earthly possessions, including saucepans and broom, were confiscated. His wife Yesu was left homeless, penniless and destitute. (She sought refuge in the local crematorium for some time. She never saw her husband again and died childless in 1918). These and some other similar developments created a strong desire among the revolutionaries for revenge.
Assassination of Curzon Wylie
Having made up his mind, Dhingra deliberately joined the National Indian Association in July 1908. This Association aimed to discourage Indian students from taking the militant path. Important British dignitaries used to attend its functions. Posing to have become an opponent of the revolutionaries, Dhingra denounced Savarkar and other revolutionaries in the company of appropriate persons. To further confirm his feigned rupture with the revolutionaries, Dhingra left India House and took up residence with Mrs Harris at 108 Ledbury Road, London W11. He soon won the trust of his enemies and came to know the schedules of visits by important Britishers coming to join the functions organized by the National Association. Dhingra attempted twice to kill Lord Curzon the ex-viceroy of India but luck was on Curzon's side. An attempt on the life of Fuller, the ex- governor of Bengal was also unsuccessful. Dhingra then selected Curzon Wylie as his target and succeeded in becoming acquainted with Wylie. On 01 July 1909, several prominent Britishers (including Curzon Wylie) and Indians were to attend a
meeting of the National Indian Association. Dhingra discussed his plans with Savarkar and some close revolutionary friends. At 7 in the evening, he dressed in a lounge suit and a blue Punjabi turban. He put his loaded Colt revolver in his right coat pocket and placed one revolver each in another coat pocket and his vest. Thus armed he left for the function. After the Association meeting was over and Curzon Wyllie seemed ready to leave Dhingra approached Curzon Wylie under the pretext of wanting to talk him. As soon as he got the opportunity Dhingra pumped two bullets into Wylie at point-blank range. As Curzon Wyllie reeled, Dhingra fired two more shots. A Parsee doctor Cawas Lalkaka tried to come in between but Dhingra fired at him as well. However, Dhingra's attempt to shoot himself failed and he was overpowered, disarmed and taken to Walton Street Police station.
The Trial
Th r o u g h o u t t h e p r o c e s s o f investigation and trial Dhingra remained strikingly calm and composed. At the Inquest he expressed deep regret for the unintended killing of Lalkaka who got killed only because he got into the way. Before the Magistrate of Westminster Police Court, Dhingra said, " I do not plead for mercy: nor do I recognise your authority over me…" In the Sessions Court Dhingra told the Court, "...If the Germans have no right to rule over England
what right have the English got to rule over India ? ".
Dhingra's fearless patriotism prompted some Englishmen to plead clemency for him. Some members of the Cabinet were also in favour of a life term for Dhingra. Secretary Morley was however adamant on a death sentence which was duly pronounced. Some Indian sympathizers
of Dhingra met the Secretary for India with the request that Dhingra's dead body be handed over to them in order that his final rites may be performed as per his last wishes. The request was turned down.
Early life and Contact with Revolutionaries
Madan Lal Dhingra was born on 18 September 1883 in an affluent family of Amritsar where his father had settled after having retired as Civil Surgeon. After completing his local studies Madan Lal went to England and studied for Diploma in Civil Engineering at the University College, London during 1906-09.
In 1905, Shyamji Krishna Varma started an inexpensive hostel for Indian students in London. This came to be known as “India House”( not to be confused with the “India House” which is the office of the Indian High Commission). Shyamji also offered scholarships to Indian students for studying in U K. Among the Indian students who went to London with the help of Shyamji's scholarships and stayed at the India House hostel was V D Savarkar. Savarkar went to London ostensibly to study law but his real purpose was to observe the strengths and weaknesses of the British people and to think of ways of achieving India's freedom. Savarkar also wanted to establish contact with Indian students who came from all parts of India and to enlist them in the cause of India's freedom. In addition Savarkar wanted to establish contacts with revolutionaries of other countries like Russia, China, Ireland etc. to benefit from their knowledge and experience and to take advantage of such contacts for the purpose of overthrowing the
British Rule. Madan Lal Dhingra too was residing at the India House hostel. For achieving his objectives Savarkar started regular Sunday meetings at India House to discuss various subjects related to India's future. Among those who attended the India House meet ings were Bhai Parmananda, Lala Hardayal (founder of the G h a d a r P a r t y ) , V i r e n d r a n a t h Chattopadhyaya (revolutionary and brother of Sarjoini Naidu) and many others who rose to prominence as revolutionaries or leaders of the freedom struggle. Tall, well-built and handsome, Madan Lal was a fun-loving person and striving for freedom of the motherland was not particularly high on Madan Lal's priority list at that time. In one of the Sunday meetings at India House, while Savarkar was delivering an impassioned speech on India's freedom Madan Lal and his friends were creating a ruckus in the adjacent room. Interrupting his speech Savarkar went to the adjacent room and reprimanded Madan Lal for loving fun and frolic and only talking of patriotism. The reprimand shamed Dhingra and after a few days of quiet
reflection he decided to do his bit for the common cause.
Sir Curzon Wylie
Sir Curzon Wylie had entered the British Army in 1866 and the Indian Political Department in 1879. He had a bright career and in 1901 was appointed Political Aide-de- Camp to the Secretary of State for India. He was also the head of the Secret Police, a fact not mentioned in contemporary British newspapers. His responsibility included collection of information about the revolutionaries. The revolutionaries, in turn, tried to find out the operations of the British
Secret Police. Wyllie planted in India House an informer named Kirtikar who pretended to be a student of dentistry. Savarkar got to learn who Kirtikar really was. When exposed and threatened with death, Kirtikar gave all the information he had about the police operations to Savarkar. Savarkar had joined Gray's Inn on 26
June 1906. After successfully completing his studies, he should have been called to the Bar on 05 May 1909. But Sir Curzon Wyllie tried to ensure that Savarkar would not be called to the Bar. Instead proceedings were launched against Savarkar on charges of sedition. Around the same time, Babarao (Ganesh) Savarkar, elder brother of Veer Savarkar, was also tried for sedition. Even though the prosecution could only prove that Baburao had published four historical poems, which were construed as seditious, he was convicted on 08 June 1909 and sentenced to Transportation for Life. All his earthly possessions, including saucepans and broom, were confiscated. His wife Yesu was left homeless, penniless and destitute. (She sought refuge in the local crematorium for some time. She never saw her husband again and died childless in 1918). These and some other similar developments created a strong desire among the revolutionaries for revenge.
Assassination of Curzon Wylie
Having made up his mind, Dhingra deliberately joined the National Indian Association in July 1908. This Association aimed to discourage Indian students from taking the militant path. Important British dignitaries used to attend its functions. Posing to have become an opponent of the revolutionaries, Dhingra denounced Savarkar and other revolutionaries in the company of appropriate persons. To further confirm his feigned rupture with the revolutionaries, Dhingra left India House and took up residence with Mrs Harris at 108 Ledbury Road, London W11. He soon won the trust of his enemies and came to know the schedules of visits by important Britishers coming to join the functions organized by the National Association. Dhingra attempted twice to kill Lord Curzon the ex-viceroy of India but luck was on Curzon's side. An attempt on the life of Fuller, the ex- governor of Bengal was also unsuccessful. Dhingra then selected Curzon Wylie as his target and succeeded in becoming acquainted with Wylie. On 01 July 1909, several prominent Britishers (including Curzon Wylie) and Indians were to attend a
meeting of the National Indian Association. Dhingra discussed his plans with Savarkar and some close revolutionary friends. At 7 in the evening, he dressed in a lounge suit and a blue Punjabi turban. He put his loaded Colt revolver in his right coat pocket and placed one revolver each in another coat pocket and his vest. Thus armed he left for the function. After the Association meeting was over and Curzon Wyllie seemed ready to leave Dhingra approached Curzon Wylie under the pretext of wanting to talk him. As soon as he got the opportunity Dhingra pumped two bullets into Wylie at point-blank range. As Curzon Wyllie reeled, Dhingra fired two more shots. A Parsee doctor Cawas Lalkaka tried to come in between but Dhingra fired at him as well. However, Dhingra's attempt to shoot himself failed and he was overpowered, disarmed and taken to Walton Street Police station.
The Trial
Th r o u g h o u t t h e p r o c e s s o f investigation and trial Dhingra remained strikingly calm and composed. At the Inquest he expressed deep regret for the unintended killing of Lalkaka who got killed only because he got into the way. Before the Magistrate of Westminster Police Court, Dhingra said, " I do not plead for mercy: nor do I recognise your authority over me…" In the Sessions Court Dhingra told the Court, "...If the Germans have no right to rule over England
what right have the English got to rule over India ? ".
Dhingra's fearless patriotism prompted some Englishmen to plead clemency for him. Some members of the Cabinet were also in favour of a life term for Dhingra. Secretary Morley was however adamant on a death sentence which was duly pronounced. Some Indian sympathizers
of Dhingra met the Secretary for India with the request that Dhingra's dead body be handed over to them in order that his final rites may be performed as per his last wishes. The request was turned down.
Martyrdom
Dhingra's hanging was scheduled for 17 August 1909. Several of Dhingra's friends made efforts to meet him for one last time in the Pentonville prison but all such requests were rejected. Dhingra however maintained his serene calm till the very end. He enjoyed a good sleep on his last night and had to be woken up on the day of his hanging. He performed his morning chores as usual and even had a hearty breakfast. At the stroke of nine, Madanlal Dhingra began his last
journey to the gallows. A Christian preacher offered to say the final Christian prayers for him, but Dhingra turned him away saying that he was a Hindu. Officer Pierpoint stood at the hangman's noose waiting for Dhingra. Dhingra smiled at the hangman, ascended the steps to the platform and himself placed the noose round his neck. Soon thereafter, the wooden platform underneath was withdrawn. Dhingra's body dropped eight feet and lay hanging. As per convention, his limp body was left hanging for half an hour. When his body was brought down, it showed no trace of fear. Contrary to Dhingra's last wish to have a cremation according to Hindu rites, his body was put in a coffin and buried within the prison premises. 67 years later
Madan Lal Dhingra's coffin was exhumed on 12 December 1976 in the presence of Natwar Singh, then Acting High Commisioner for India and was flown back to India.
Grudging admiration from Englishmen
Dhingra's martyrdom evoked the respect of some members of the Cabinet. Talking of Dhingra, Churchill reportedly said that there had been much discussion in the Cabinet about him. “ Lloyd George had expressed his highest admiration of Dhingra's attitude as a patriot, in which he
shared…He will be remembered two thousand years hence, as we remember Regulus and Caractacus and Plutarch's heroes”
According to an entry in the memoirs of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, the British poet and writer "No Christian martyr ever faced his judges more fearlessly or with greater dignity...if India could produce five hundred men, as resolutely without fear, she would achieve her freedom. It was recorded in medical evidence at the trial, that, when arrested, Dhingra's pulse beat no quicker than normal, nor from first to last, has he shown any sign of weakening." On the day of Dhingra's martyrdom, leaflets entitled 'Ireland Honours Dhingra' were distributed and pasted on walls in Ireland
Last Testament
Dhingra's last testament was published by his friends in France, UK and in India . Titled 'Challenge' it read as follows:
Challenge
"I admit the other day; I attempted to shed English blood as an humble revenge for the inhuman hangings and deportations of patriotic Indian youths. In this attempt, I have consulted none but my own conscience; I have conspired with none, but my own duty. "I believe that a nation held down in bondage with the help of foreign bayonets is in a perpetual state of war. Since open battle is rendered impossible to a disarmed race, I attacked by surprise; since guns were denied to me, I drew forth my pistol and fired. "As a Hindu I felt that a wrong done to my country is an insult to God. Her cause is the cause of Sri Ram! Her services are the services of Sri Krishna!
Poor in health and intellect, a son like myself has nothing else to offer to the Mother but his own blood and so I have sacrificed the same on her altar. "The only lesson required in India at present is to learn how to die and the only way to teach it, is by dying ourselves. Therefore I die and glory in my martyrdom! This war of Independence will continue between India and England, so long as the Hindu and the English races last (if the present unnatural relation does not cease!) "My only prayer to God is: May I be reborn of the same Mother and may I redie in the same sacred cause, till the cause is successful and she stands free for the good of humanity and the glory of God!"
-Vande Mataram-
Dhingra's hanging was scheduled for 17 August 1909. Several of Dhingra's friends made efforts to meet him for one last time in the Pentonville prison but all such requests were rejected. Dhingra however maintained his serene calm till the very end. He enjoyed a good sleep on his last night and had to be woken up on the day of his hanging. He performed his morning chores as usual and even had a hearty breakfast. At the stroke of nine, Madanlal Dhingra began his last
journey to the gallows. A Christian preacher offered to say the final Christian prayers for him, but Dhingra turned him away saying that he was a Hindu. Officer Pierpoint stood at the hangman's noose waiting for Dhingra. Dhingra smiled at the hangman, ascended the steps to the platform and himself placed the noose round his neck. Soon thereafter, the wooden platform underneath was withdrawn. Dhingra's body dropped eight feet and lay hanging. As per convention, his limp body was left hanging for half an hour. When his body was brought down, it showed no trace of fear. Contrary to Dhingra's last wish to have a cremation according to Hindu rites, his body was put in a coffin and buried within the prison premises. 67 years later
Madan Lal Dhingra's coffin was exhumed on 12 December 1976 in the presence of Natwar Singh, then Acting High Commisioner for India and was flown back to India.
Grudging admiration from Englishmen
Dhingra's martyrdom evoked the respect of some members of the Cabinet. Talking of Dhingra, Churchill reportedly said that there had been much discussion in the Cabinet about him. “ Lloyd George had expressed his highest admiration of Dhingra's attitude as a patriot, in which he
shared…He will be remembered two thousand years hence, as we remember Regulus and Caractacus and Plutarch's heroes”
According to an entry in the memoirs of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, the British poet and writer "No Christian martyr ever faced his judges more fearlessly or with greater dignity...if India could produce five hundred men, as resolutely without fear, she would achieve her freedom. It was recorded in medical evidence at the trial, that, when arrested, Dhingra's pulse beat no quicker than normal, nor from first to last, has he shown any sign of weakening." On the day of Dhingra's martyrdom, leaflets entitled 'Ireland Honours Dhingra' were distributed and pasted on walls in Ireland
Last Testament
Dhingra's last testament was published by his friends in France, UK and in India . Titled 'Challenge' it read as follows:
Challenge
"I admit the other day; I attempted to shed English blood as an humble revenge for the inhuman hangings and deportations of patriotic Indian youths. In this attempt, I have consulted none but my own conscience; I have conspired with none, but my own duty. "I believe that a nation held down in bondage with the help of foreign bayonets is in a perpetual state of war. Since open battle is rendered impossible to a disarmed race, I attacked by surprise; since guns were denied to me, I drew forth my pistol and fired. "As a Hindu I felt that a wrong done to my country is an insult to God. Her cause is the cause of Sri Ram! Her services are the services of Sri Krishna!
Poor in health and intellect, a son like myself has nothing else to offer to the Mother but his own blood and so I have sacrificed the same on her altar. "The only lesson required in India at present is to learn how to die and the only way to teach it, is by dying ourselves. Therefore I die and glory in my martyrdom! This war of Independence will continue between India and England, so long as the Hindu and the English races last (if the present unnatural relation does not cease!) "My only prayer to God is: May I be reborn of the same Mother and may I redie in the same sacred cause, till the cause is successful and she stands free for the good of humanity and the glory of God!"
-Vande Mataram-
Dhingra the Immortal:
On the centenary of his martyrdom, we humbly salute Madan Lal Dhingra by repeating the tribute paid by a fellow revolutionary, Lala Hardayal ; “Dhingra, the immortal, has behaved at each stage of the trial like a hero of ancient times. England thinks she has killed Dhingra; in reality he lives for ever and has given the death-blow to English Sovereignty in India.” Madan Lal Dhingra will continue to live on for ever in the hearts of his country men.
{The above article is based on the material provided by Dr.Sreerang Godbole on www.savarkar.org}
On the centenary of his martyrdom, we humbly salute Madan Lal Dhingra by repeating the tribute paid by a fellow revolutionary, Lala Hardayal ; “Dhingra, the immortal, has behaved at each stage of the trial like a hero of ancient times. England thinks she has killed Dhingra; in reality he lives for ever and has given the death-blow to English Sovereignty in India.” Madan Lal Dhingra will continue to live on for ever in the hearts of his country men.
{The above article is based on the material provided by Dr.Sreerang Godbole on www.savarkar.org}
Vande Mataram: Soul of our Nation and Nationalism
Mother, I salute thee!
Rich with hurrying streams,
Bright with orchard gleams,
Cool with thy winds of delight,
Green fields waving Mother of might,
Mother free.
Glory of moonlight dreams,
Over thy branches and lordly streams,
Clad in thy blossoming trees,
Mother, giver of ease.
Laughing low and Sweet!
Mother I kiss thy feet,
Speaker sweet and low!
Mother, to thee I bow.
- Sri Aurobindo (from his English translation of Vande Mataram)
Friends, 9/11/2009
Muslim Clergy against Vande Mataram:
Rich with hurrying streams,
Bright with orchard gleams,
Cool with thy winds of delight,
Green fields waving Mother of might,
Mother free.
Glory of moonlight dreams,
Over thy branches and lordly streams,
Clad in thy blossoming trees,
Mother, giver of ease.
Laughing low and Sweet!
Mother I kiss thy feet,
Speaker sweet and low!
Mother, to thee I bow.
- Sri Aurobindo (from his English translation of Vande Mataram)
Friends, 9/11/2009
Muslim Clergy against Vande Mataram:
During the centenary of (singing of) Vande Mataram in September 2006, Darul Uloom, the foremost seminary of Muslims at Deoband, gave a decree that the National Song is un-Islamic and that Muslims must not sing it. This decree was upheld on 3 November 2009 by the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, which passed a resolution saying, “The fatwa of Darul Uloom opposing recitation of Vande Mataram is correct.”
The Home Minister, who went there on an invitation from Jamiat, condemned the demolition of the disputed structure over Bhagwan Ram’s Janmasthan. Though the disputed structure was not in use by the Muslim community, the “secular-brigade” has been repeatedly lying that it was a ‘Masjid’ and Chidambaram repeated the same lie and described the demolition of this religious affront to the Hindu community as “a manifestation of religious fanaticism and an act of extreme prejudice.” While Chidambaram praised the Darul Uloom for issuing a fatwa against terrorism in February 2008, he conveniently kept quiet on the Jaipur, Bangalore and Ahmedabad blasts and the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack which happened after issuance of the so-called fatwa. Although the continuing terror acts proved that the fatwa was nothing but the Islamic game of “Taqiya”, Chidambaram sought ulema cooperation in the fight against terror. The Jamiat for its part condemned suicide bombings and killings of innocents as ‘unpardonable sin’, but termed “Jihad” a “constructive phenomenon” without explaining what ‘constructive’ means. As the country has seen enough of the continuing an act of Jihad and plays of Taqiya, the onus lies on the government in general and Home Ministry in particular, to rid this nation of terror attacks in future. But the fatwa on Vande Mataram deserves a candid discourse, as it could be an encouragement to Jihad and Taqiya in the process of converting India to Darul Islam. Although the Home Minister said he was not aware of the passing of the resolution upholding the fatwa against Vande Mataram, it is pertinent to note that he had not commented on it even after learning of it. He had the ‘courage’ to call the disputed structure a ‘Masjid’ and its demolition a manifestation of religious fanaticism, but not the courage to call the fatwa against Vande Mataram as religious fanaticism, an attitude typical of Nehruvian Secularism and minority appeasement, which started in the 1930s to demean the sacred Vande Mataram.
History, Significance and Sanctity of Vande Mataram:
• November 7, 1876:- The song Vande Mataram was written and composed and dedicated to the Motherland by Sri Bankin Chandra Chatterjee (1838-1894) at the Kantal Pada village of Bengal. It appeared in his novel “Anandamath,” published in 1882.
• 1896:- Rabindranath Tagore sang Vande Mataram at the Calcutta Congress Session. It was the first political occasion when Vande Mataram was sung in chorus. Tagore also set the song to music.
• 1901:- The Indian National Congress rehearsed the singing of Vande Mataram in 1901 under the guidance of Sri Dakina Charan Sen, who also sang it in another session of the Congress in Calcutta.
• 1905:- Vande Mataram became the national battle cry for freedom from British oppression, especially after the launching of Swadeshi Movement (7 August 1905) and the partition of Bengal (16 October 1905) by Lord Curzon.
• Smt. Sarala Devi Chaudharani, niece of Rabindranath Tagore, sang Vande Mataram at the Benares Congress Session, despite the ban on its singing by the British Government.
• Matangani Hazra’s last words were Vande Mataram when shot dead by Crown Police.
• 1906:- Lala Lajpat Rai, Lion of Punjab, started a journal called Vande Mataram from Lahore.
• In March 1906, the Barisal Parishad was created and a Provincial Conference of Bengal held at Barisal. The delegates defied the ban imposed by the government and took out a massive procession through the city chanting Vande Mataram. They braved lathi-charges shedding blood and the conference came to an abrupt end.
• On 7 August 1906, Sri Aurobindo (1872-1950) started his paper Vande Mataram, which became an immortal and unforgettable newspaper in the history of Indian Journalism.
• 1907:- Madame Bhikaiji Cama (1861-1936) unfurled the tricolour in the Congress of the Second International at Stuttgart. The Tricolour (Green, Saffron and Red) National Flag of India was designed by her and her friends in 1905 bearing the immortal words of Bande Mataram.
• August 11, 1908:- 19 year old Kudiram Bose was hanged and he became immortal with the song of Vande Mataram on his lips.
• August 17, 1909:- 26 year old Madan Lal Dhingra (1883-1909) was hanged at Pentonville Prison in London. He became immortal with Vande Mataram on his lips.
• 1915:- Indian National Congress adopted the singing of Vande Mataram as a sacred tradition to begin every session.
• 1927:- Gandhiji, who often extolled the grandeur of Vande Mataram, said the song held up before one’s mind the picture of the whole “Bharat one and indivisible.”
• 1943 to 1945:- Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose made Vande Mataram the song of his Indian National Army and it was regularly broadcast from his Singapore radio station.
Ever since Vande Mataram became the battle cry of the freedom movement, hundreds of eminent nationalist leaders and millions of freedom fighters have sacrificed their lives for this nation by chanting the sacred mantra Vande Mataram as their last words. Sadly and unfortunately, as the forces of appeasement took over the reins of Indian National Congress, the forces of nationalism started waning from the scene and the Indian National Congress started viewing Vande Mataram as an “irritant” in the path of winning over Muslims. The end result was that the party failed to declare Vande Mataram, the soul of the freedom movement, as the National Anthem and opted for “Jana Gana Mana”. It also adopted Mohammed Iqbal’s Sare Jahan Se Accha as an associate national anthem, just to satisfy the Muslims. Fortunately, the Constituent Assembly had the sense to make the final decision of giving equal importance to both “Vande Mataram” and “Jana Gana Mana”. While presiding over the Constituent Assembly on 24 January 1950, Dr. Rajendra Prasad stated, “The composition consisting of words and music such as Jana Gana Mana is the National Anthem of India, subject to such alterations as the Government may authorize as occasion arises, and the song Vande Mataram, which has played a historic part in the struggle for Indian freedom, shall be honoured equally with Jana Gana Mana and shall have equal status with it. I hope this will satisfy members”.
Impact of Nehruvian Secularism:
The Home Minister, who went there on an invitation from Jamiat, condemned the demolition of the disputed structure over Bhagwan Ram’s Janmasthan. Though the disputed structure was not in use by the Muslim community, the “secular-brigade” has been repeatedly lying that it was a ‘Masjid’ and Chidambaram repeated the same lie and described the demolition of this religious affront to the Hindu community as “a manifestation of religious fanaticism and an act of extreme prejudice.” While Chidambaram praised the Darul Uloom for issuing a fatwa against terrorism in February 2008, he conveniently kept quiet on the Jaipur, Bangalore and Ahmedabad blasts and the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack which happened after issuance of the so-called fatwa. Although the continuing terror acts proved that the fatwa was nothing but the Islamic game of “Taqiya”, Chidambaram sought ulema cooperation in the fight against terror. The Jamiat for its part condemned suicide bombings and killings of innocents as ‘unpardonable sin’, but termed “Jihad” a “constructive phenomenon” without explaining what ‘constructive’ means. As the country has seen enough of the continuing an act of Jihad and plays of Taqiya, the onus lies on the government in general and Home Ministry in particular, to rid this nation of terror attacks in future. But the fatwa on Vande Mataram deserves a candid discourse, as it could be an encouragement to Jihad and Taqiya in the process of converting India to Darul Islam. Although the Home Minister said he was not aware of the passing of the resolution upholding the fatwa against Vande Mataram, it is pertinent to note that he had not commented on it even after learning of it. He had the ‘courage’ to call the disputed structure a ‘Masjid’ and its demolition a manifestation of religious fanaticism, but not the courage to call the fatwa against Vande Mataram as religious fanaticism, an attitude typical of Nehruvian Secularism and minority appeasement, which started in the 1930s to demean the sacred Vande Mataram.
History, Significance and Sanctity of Vande Mataram:
• November 7, 1876:- The song Vande Mataram was written and composed and dedicated to the Motherland by Sri Bankin Chandra Chatterjee (1838-1894) at the Kantal Pada village of Bengal. It appeared in his novel “Anandamath,” published in 1882.
• 1896:- Rabindranath Tagore sang Vande Mataram at the Calcutta Congress Session. It was the first political occasion when Vande Mataram was sung in chorus. Tagore also set the song to music.
• 1901:- The Indian National Congress rehearsed the singing of Vande Mataram in 1901 under the guidance of Sri Dakina Charan Sen, who also sang it in another session of the Congress in Calcutta.
• 1905:- Vande Mataram became the national battle cry for freedom from British oppression, especially after the launching of Swadeshi Movement (7 August 1905) and the partition of Bengal (16 October 1905) by Lord Curzon.
• Smt. Sarala Devi Chaudharani, niece of Rabindranath Tagore, sang Vande Mataram at the Benares Congress Session, despite the ban on its singing by the British Government.
• Matangani Hazra’s last words were Vande Mataram when shot dead by Crown Police.
• 1906:- Lala Lajpat Rai, Lion of Punjab, started a journal called Vande Mataram from Lahore.
• In March 1906, the Barisal Parishad was created and a Provincial Conference of Bengal held at Barisal. The delegates defied the ban imposed by the government and took out a massive procession through the city chanting Vande Mataram. They braved lathi-charges shedding blood and the conference came to an abrupt end.
• On 7 August 1906, Sri Aurobindo (1872-1950) started his paper Vande Mataram, which became an immortal and unforgettable newspaper in the history of Indian Journalism.
• 1907:- Madame Bhikaiji Cama (1861-1936) unfurled the tricolour in the Congress of the Second International at Stuttgart. The Tricolour (Green, Saffron and Red) National Flag of India was designed by her and her friends in 1905 bearing the immortal words of Bande Mataram.
• August 11, 1908:- 19 year old Kudiram Bose was hanged and he became immortal with the song of Vande Mataram on his lips.
• August 17, 1909:- 26 year old Madan Lal Dhingra (1883-1909) was hanged at Pentonville Prison in London. He became immortal with Vande Mataram on his lips.
• 1915:- Indian National Congress adopted the singing of Vande Mataram as a sacred tradition to begin every session.
• 1927:- Gandhiji, who often extolled the grandeur of Vande Mataram, said the song held up before one’s mind the picture of the whole “Bharat one and indivisible.”
• 1943 to 1945:- Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose made Vande Mataram the song of his Indian National Army and it was regularly broadcast from his Singapore radio station.
Ever since Vande Mataram became the battle cry of the freedom movement, hundreds of eminent nationalist leaders and millions of freedom fighters have sacrificed their lives for this nation by chanting the sacred mantra Vande Mataram as their last words. Sadly and unfortunately, as the forces of appeasement took over the reins of Indian National Congress, the forces of nationalism started waning from the scene and the Indian National Congress started viewing Vande Mataram as an “irritant” in the path of winning over Muslims. The end result was that the party failed to declare Vande Mataram, the soul of the freedom movement, as the National Anthem and opted for “Jana Gana Mana”. It also adopted Mohammed Iqbal’s Sare Jahan Se Accha as an associate national anthem, just to satisfy the Muslims. Fortunately, the Constituent Assembly had the sense to make the final decision of giving equal importance to both “Vande Mataram” and “Jana Gana Mana”. While presiding over the Constituent Assembly on 24 January 1950, Dr. Rajendra Prasad stated, “The composition consisting of words and music such as Jana Gana Mana is the National Anthem of India, subject to such alterations as the Government may authorize as occasion arises, and the song Vande Mataram, which has played a historic part in the struggle for Indian freedom, shall be honoured equally with Jana Gana Mana and shall have equal status with it. I hope this will satisfy members”.
Impact of Nehruvian Secularism:
As the ‘Indian National Congress’ metamorphosed into the Nehru family’s fiefdom, the National Song was sidelined and ‘Sare Jahan Se Accha’ given prominence. Under the successive leadership of the Nehru family members, the appeasement of minorities increased resulting in the Muslim Clergy developing the courage to issue a fatwa against the spirit of nationalism and the Congress party maintaining cowardly silence.
The Nehru family’s hold over the nation for more than five decades led to the decline of ‘nationalism’ which was rapidly replaced by ‘secularism’ leading to blatant appeasement of minorities and resulting in the majority being treated as secondary citizens in their own land. Following Congress footsteps, all the other political parties started pandering to minorities, focusing on communalism, casteism, separatism, linguistic chauvinism and social divisions, showing scant regard to nationalist principles.
Over time, society got divided along communal, caste and linguistic lines forgetting the concept of unity in diversity. The continued Macaulay System of Education played a role in the deterioration of nationalist values. Notwithstanding the sidelining of Vande Mataram, even Jana Gana Mana lost its relevance as many states developed ‘state anthems’ which eclipsed the national anthem. In Tamil Nadu, the state anthem gets more prominence, and the national anthem has become passé even in official functions. Most ministers, MLAs and bureaucrats do not know the national anthem and can’t sing it completely.
UPA and National Spirit:
The Nehru family’s hold over the nation for more than five decades led to the decline of ‘nationalism’ which was rapidly replaced by ‘secularism’ leading to blatant appeasement of minorities and resulting in the majority being treated as secondary citizens in their own land. Following Congress footsteps, all the other political parties started pandering to minorities, focusing on communalism, casteism, separatism, linguistic chauvinism and social divisions, showing scant regard to nationalist principles.
Over time, society got divided along communal, caste and linguistic lines forgetting the concept of unity in diversity. The continued Macaulay System of Education played a role in the deterioration of nationalist values. Notwithstanding the sidelining of Vande Mataram, even Jana Gana Mana lost its relevance as many states developed ‘state anthems’ which eclipsed the national anthem. In Tamil Nadu, the state anthem gets more prominence, and the national anthem has become passé even in official functions. Most ministers, MLAs and bureaucrats do not know the national anthem and can’t sing it completely.
UPA and National Spirit:
Lalu Prasad Yadav (and his wife Rabri Devi), who disrespected the national anthem in an official function in Bihar, served as Railway Minister in UPA-I. The NCERT under Arjun Singh came out with school textbooks terming Sri Ramakrishna Paramhamsa as an ‘insane person’ and Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Aurobindo as ‘terrorists’.
The centenary of Vande Mataram singing turned out to be a farce under UPA in 2006. Arjun Singh issued a circular to all schools to sing the first two stanzas compulsorily, but withdrew it immediately after protests from Muslim organizations. When the Congress party celebrated the centenary, both Sonia and Manmohan did not attend the function, thereby insulting the national song. Adding insult to injury, during INC’s 122nd founding day celebrations, Congressmen in an exhibition of ugly sycophancy sang ‘Vande Mataram’ when Sonia was entering the venue! The party made a mockery of ‘Dandi March’ in 2005 during the anniversary of ‘Salt Satyagraha’. After an official function in Oragadam, Kanchipuram district in 2006, Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Congress parivar left the stage without the recital of the National Anthem.
The UPA came out with a ‘scintillating historical’ decision outlined in the 11th Five Year Plan approved by the National Development Council. The plan document under the head ‘Madrassas/Maktabs’ said, ‘They (Madrassas) will receive a 'special grant' to celebrate National Festivals like Independence Day and Republic Day.’ Ironically, this plan document was released after Darul Uloom declared Vande Mataram un-Islamic and that Muslims must not sing it. These ‘Religious Schools’ operating in our country enjoy freedom of religion and minority rights, but refuse to celebrate our national festivals, hoist our National Flag and sing our national song ‘Vande Mataram’! These schools are allegedly notorious for feeding religious fundamentalism and breeding fanatics who become extremists or helpers of terrorism.
Unfortunately the UPA, instead of closing these institutes of bigotry or correcting and streamlining them authoritatively, gave them ‘grants’ (!) to celebrate national festivals which is their constitutional duty! When a government can make the hoisting of National Flag mandatory, can't it make celebrations of national festivals mandatory? If the concerned institutes are not interested in respecting our nation, national flag and national song, why should the government beg them by giving grants? Why can't it close those institutions?
Given this background, it is small wonder that the present UPA government had not bothered about the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind’s resolution confirming the fatwa against Vande Mataram. It is no surprise that no political party other than BJP has shown the courage to condemn it.
RSS vs. UPA:
The centenary of Vande Mataram singing turned out to be a farce under UPA in 2006. Arjun Singh issued a circular to all schools to sing the first two stanzas compulsorily, but withdrew it immediately after protests from Muslim organizations. When the Congress party celebrated the centenary, both Sonia and Manmohan did not attend the function, thereby insulting the national song. Adding insult to injury, during INC’s 122nd founding day celebrations, Congressmen in an exhibition of ugly sycophancy sang ‘Vande Mataram’ when Sonia was entering the venue! The party made a mockery of ‘Dandi March’ in 2005 during the anniversary of ‘Salt Satyagraha’. After an official function in Oragadam, Kanchipuram district in 2006, Sonia Gandhi, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Congress parivar left the stage without the recital of the National Anthem.
The UPA came out with a ‘scintillating historical’ decision outlined in the 11th Five Year Plan approved by the National Development Council. The plan document under the head ‘Madrassas/Maktabs’ said, ‘They (Madrassas) will receive a 'special grant' to celebrate National Festivals like Independence Day and Republic Day.’ Ironically, this plan document was released after Darul Uloom declared Vande Mataram un-Islamic and that Muslims must not sing it. These ‘Religious Schools’ operating in our country enjoy freedom of religion and minority rights, but refuse to celebrate our national festivals, hoist our National Flag and sing our national song ‘Vande Mataram’! These schools are allegedly notorious for feeding religious fundamentalism and breeding fanatics who become extremists or helpers of terrorism.
Unfortunately the UPA, instead of closing these institutes of bigotry or correcting and streamlining them authoritatively, gave them ‘grants’ (!) to celebrate national festivals which is their constitutional duty! When a government can make the hoisting of National Flag mandatory, can't it make celebrations of national festivals mandatory? If the concerned institutes are not interested in respecting our nation, national flag and national song, why should the government beg them by giving grants? Why can't it close those institutions?
Given this background, it is small wonder that the present UPA government had not bothered about the Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind’s resolution confirming the fatwa against Vande Mataram. It is no surprise that no political party other than BJP has shown the courage to condemn it.
RSS vs. UPA:
RSS founder Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar was expelled from school in Nagpur for participating in the Vande Mataram agitation. Later in 1925 he founded the RSS and the organization played a vital role in reviving the spirit of nationalism throughout the country.
When the Madhya Pradesh Government passed a GO allowing employees to take part in RSS activities, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi wrote a letter to the then President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam blaming RSS of stoking religious prejudices and showing ‘concern’ about the spirit of Constitution. Her ‘patriotism’ couldn’t create even a ripple in the political arena, as the entire nation was aware of the nationalist activities of the RSS.
When the Madhya Pradesh Government passed a GO allowing employees to take part in RSS activities, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi wrote a letter to the then President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam blaming RSS of stoking religious prejudices and showing ‘concern’ about the spirit of Constitution. Her ‘patriotism’ couldn’t create even a ripple in the political arena, as the entire nation was aware of the nationalist activities of the RSS.
Darul Uloom’s Fatwa unconstitutional:
Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind said, “We love our country, but cannot elevate it to the status of Allah, the only one worshipped by Muslims…The fatwa of Darul Uloom is correct.” Muslim politicians across the country prostrate before their political masters and bow before their party Chiefs, but will not allow the community to sing Vande Mataram saying Islam prohibits praising others except Allah. If this is not hypocrisy, what is?
Jamiat also said, “The reference to nation as mother and an ode to motherland was un-Islamic and should not be deliberately raised for causing communal discord and law and order”. When it comes to praising the Mother Nation, it is totally irrelevant if one is Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikhs, Communist, or Atheist. It is regrettable that the Clergy forces Muslims to refrain from singing even the first two stanzas (which have no reference to Hindu Goddesses) thereby losing an opportunity to express solidarity with the rest of the country. If Muslims in Germany and France can sing the respective national anthems praising their countries as ‘Father Nation,’ why can’t Indian Muslims sing two lines of Vande Mataram hailing the Mother Country? The Constitution gives equal status of National Anthem to Vande Mataram. Hence the fatwa issued against the national song by the Muslim Clergy is unconstitutional and smacks of anti-nationalism.
ABVP once again strongly condemn the narrow and idiotic ideas of fatwa issuing bodies Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind and likes (who should first learn what Bharat is) and urge progressive student community of JNU to demands for abolition of such unconstitutional and anti-social fanatic institution which want to jeopardize the stability and progress of the Indian society. We calls upon all the Nationalist, Democratic and Progressive minded students of JNU to rally behind ABVP and defeat the divisive, undemocratic, inhumane and anti-national designs of the Islamists.
Vande Mataram! Bharat Mata Ki Jai!!
Sd/- Pavitra, Vice-President, ABVP, JNU.
Sd/- Saket, Jt. Secretary, ABVP, JNU.
Jamiat also said, “The reference to nation as mother and an ode to motherland was un-Islamic and should not be deliberately raised for causing communal discord and law and order”. When it comes to praising the Mother Nation, it is totally irrelevant if one is Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikhs, Communist, or Atheist. It is regrettable that the Clergy forces Muslims to refrain from singing even the first two stanzas (which have no reference to Hindu Goddesses) thereby losing an opportunity to express solidarity with the rest of the country. If Muslims in Germany and France can sing the respective national anthems praising their countries as ‘Father Nation,’ why can’t Indian Muslims sing two lines of Vande Mataram hailing the Mother Country? The Constitution gives equal status of National Anthem to Vande Mataram. Hence the fatwa issued against the national song by the Muslim Clergy is unconstitutional and smacks of anti-nationalism.
ABVP once again strongly condemn the narrow and idiotic ideas of fatwa issuing bodies Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind and likes (who should first learn what Bharat is) and urge progressive student community of JNU to demands for abolition of such unconstitutional and anti-social fanatic institution which want to jeopardize the stability and progress of the Indian society. We calls upon all the Nationalist, Democratic and Progressive minded students of JNU to rally behind ABVP and defeat the divisive, undemocratic, inhumane and anti-national designs of the Islamists.
Vande Mataram! Bharat Mata Ki Jai!!
Sd/- Pavitra, Vice-President, ABVP, JNU.
Jamiat’s insidious agenda: Rejecting Vande Mataram is insulting India
राष्ट्र शुभ चिंतको, सावधान.. राष्ट्र गीत "वन्दे मातरम" की अवमानना करने वाली मानसिकता को परास्त करे, मनमुटाव को त्याग कर हुंकारे वन्दे मातरम !!
Friends, 5/11/2009
The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has not done the Muslims of India any favour by adopting a clutch of resolutions that not only reflect the regressive agenda of the ulema but also strengthen the stereotyping of the community as backward-looking and refusing to change with the times. The most provocative of the resolutions is the one which endorses the 2006 fatwa issued by Darul Uloom, Deoband, prohibiting Muslims from singing the National Song, Vande Mataram, even in its truncated form which is the ‘official’ version. That the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind should have thought it fit to recall a fatwa issued three years ago is not without design: Clearly the mullahs who had gathered for the organisation’s 30th general session at Deoband intended to demonstrate that the Muslim community is not bound by the national identity with other Indian communities. In a sense, the resolution against Vande Mataram is as much a reiteration of Muslim separatism as the resolution which calls upon Muslims to “don their Islamic identity” and say salam instead of namaste. Both the resolutions are of a piece with the 23 others that seek to carve out a separate space for India’s Muslims where they will have the right to deprive women of their dignity as “bringing women into the mainstream will create social problems and issues including their security”, enforce sharia’h on girls once they are 10 years old, prevent people from watching either cinema or television, and say no to the state’s efforts to contain diseases like AIDS and polio. In brief, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind wants a separate state within the Indian state which will be ruled by mullahs. At the same time, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind wants all the benefits of a secular state to accrue to the Muslims. Apart from jobs in the public sector and education funded by tax-payers, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind also wants proportionate representation for Muslims in elected bodies, including Parliament. The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind does not want the Government to interfere with madarsas by way of setting up a Central Board because theological schools are meant to produce clerics. If so be the case, then the Government must not only cut-off all funding for madarsas but also withdraw recognition for certificates issued by theological schools. The public exchequer is not meant for producing Islamic clerics.
Tragically, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind’s antediluvian though insidious agenda and its provocative assault on Indian nationhood by reiterating the fatwa against Vande Mataram have been legitimised by the presence of Union Home Minister P Chidambaram at the Deoband gathering. This is not to suggest that he was party to the outrageous resolutions; after all, as Mr Chidambaram has pointed out, all this was done before he arrived to address the gathering. But two points merit mention. First, as Home Minister, he should have been aware of what had transpired at the meeting. The Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind did not keep the resolutions a secret; on the contrary, they were posted on the organisation’s website. Second, it was expected of him to unequivocally condemn the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind’s denigration of the National Song and register his disagreement with the ulama’s vision of a joyless world where women are treated as no more than chattel and where modernity is shunned with vengeance. It is immaterial that the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has craftily parroted the oft-quoted definition of jihad as being different from terrorism. Such vacuous declarations convince nobody, least of all jihadis who kill in the name of Islam.
ABVP strongly condemn the narrow and idiotic ideas of fatwa issuing bodies Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind and likes (who should first learn what Bharat is) and urge progressive student community of JNU to demands for abolition of such unconstitutional and anti-social fanatic institution which want to jeopardize the stability and progress of the Indian society. We calls upon all the Nationalist, Democratic and Progressive minded students of JNU to rally behind ABVP and defeat the divisive, undemocratic, inhumane and anti-national designs of the Islamists.
भारत माता को जो करना नमन छोड़ दे, कह दो उससे की वो वतन छोड़ दे !
मज़हब प्यारा है जिसे भारत नहीं, इसकी मिटटी में वो होना दफ़न छोड़ दे !!
Vandemataram! Bharat Mata Ki Jai!!
भारत माता को जो करना नमन छोड़ दे, कह दो उससे की वो वतन छोड़ दे !
मज़हब प्यारा है जिसे भारत नहीं, इसकी मिटटी में वो होना दफ़न छोड़ दे !!
Vandemataram! Bharat Mata Ki Jai!!
Sd/- Rajesh Ranjan, President, ABVP, JNU.
Sd/- Sudheer, Secretary, ABVP, JNU.
Sd/- Sudheer, Secretary, ABVP, JNU.
Sexually frustrated communists… shall always be defeated!!!
Aagey-Aagey Rashtrawaad…Peechhe-Peechhe Naxalwaad(=Gaanjawaad!)
Friends, 15-10-09We thank the student community for participating in our Effigy burning and Juloos last night. The ‘Gaanjadhari’ AISA-Naxalites of our campus are up in arms again against the democratic ethos of our country. Their tyranny was visible yesterday when they tried to subjugate the pre-announced Effigy-burning of Ganga Sahay (a sexual harasser from AISA) & ‘Love Jihad’ and the peaceful Juloos of ABVP; but in vain! They first assembled at the same venue as ours. As soon as we began with our pre-decided programme they started shouting slogans and later, even tried to block our peaceful Juloos at several places. When they did not succeed, they started following our Juloos and tried to confront with our activists shouting slogans as insensitive and provoking as ‘Bharat Mata ke Kutte , ho barbaad’. We condemn these un-democratic, anti-national and anti-women activities of the AISA-Naxalites.
The un-democratic character of the AISA-Naxalites is well known to the JNU students. We have not forgotten the barbaric act of Rajan Pandey, a known AISA activist, who attacked another student with a stone and injured him severely, after being incited by fellow AISA-activists on 3rd Aug 2007. Today, this same Rajan Pandey is pelling stones on AISA and has resigned from it. Thank God! He has finally realized the anti-student and un-democratic character of the Naxalites, and has come out with an Apology letter. It has been the nature of the AISA-Naxalites to incite students to create tensions in the campus and then reap political benefits out of them. It is a classic example of how these naxalites-communists systematically brainwash and provoke young students with their anti-national and violent ideology.These casteists, communal communists tried to do the same yesterday. They were in full mood to confront with our peaceful activists. They even showed black ‘duppattas’ which they have made a routine exercise in the campus. Their black duppattas are always ready whenever their tyrannical moves and anti-student activities are exposed.
The AISA-Naxalites have become jobless these days! The Executive Committee did not even consider MHRD directives worthy to be placed on the table. So, their fake fee-hike issue was snatched away by the administration. Instead, what was accepted was the GSCASH report involving the AISA-activist Ganga Sahay, Astt. Professor, CIL, SLL&CS. This was the same case where the AISA has been defending the culprit for a long time. Even in the illegal-JNUSU parcha yesterday, the little-Naxalites have accused the GSCASH enquiry of not being ‘technically’ sound. In fact, the GSCASH Committee has been lenient with the culprit. We demand to the administration to terminate the culprit immediately from service. Just one year of suspension is nothing but an eye-wash and is an injustice to the victim-girl. Such sexual harassers should not be tolerated in the campus. We warn the AISA not to shield sexual-harassers. On the other hand, the innocent victim was served an out-of-bound notice some months back. We demand that this notice be immediately withdrawn.
At a time when their anti-women and anti-student politics stand exposed in the campus, they are trying to subvert the attention of the students by motivated political mud-slinging against the ABVP. The ABVP has always been at the fore-front fighting against patriarchy and anti-women activities. We assert again that we are the proud sons and daughters of Bharat Mata. It is the same Bharat where women were always held at high esteem. We are ashamed that today women are discriminated in different parts of the country. It is a known fact that this discriminatory and anti-women culture came from outside in the middle-ages and subsequently grew in our ‘mother’-land. It is the duty of the youth of the country to annihilate this inequality and re-establish our glorious tradition of equality of women. We request the Gender-sensitive students of our campus to rally behind ABVP in this great task of nation-building through equality for all!
We warn the frustrated AISA-naxalites not to shield sexual harassers and Naxal-goons in the campus. At the same time, we condemn their un-democratic, provoking and anti-women ‘black dupatta’ protest against the ABVP last-night.
…And if their hearts have really changed like that of Rajan Pandey, we request them to leave their anti-women, un-democratic and casteist politics and follow us in the true spirit!
Nari Shakti-Rashtra Shakti! Unite against sexual harassers!!
Vandemataram! Bharat Mata ki Jai!!
Vandemataram! Bharat Mata ki Jai!!
Sd/- Pavitra, Vice President, ABVP, JNU
Sd/- Saket, Joint Secretary, ABVP, JNU.
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